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  09/14/2013 -- Dictator Museveni to wipe out Buganda Kingdom
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  02/17/2012 -- Dictator Museveni born human- turned into an animal and a murderer
  01/23/2012 -- Dicrtator M7 was a wolf then,a wolf now
  01/01/2012 -- Is Uganda President, Yoweri Museveni allegedly HIV/Aids Positive?
  12/25/2011 -- NRM you are day dreamers. DMMGR is ready to smoke you out of our Country. Time will tell
  12/19/2011 -- How to get rid of African dictators
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  11/24/2011 -- Fellow Ugandans in the diaspora,how can you ignore the brutality done to our people in Uganda
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  11/23/2011 -- South Africa provides Dictator Museveni with ammunitions,that is hypocracy
  11/03/2011 -- Proved to be the most hated President since indepence of the Nation
  10/15/2011 -- Bukenya is guilt of corruption charges so are the rest accused
  09/26/2011 -- We are pround to be Baganda before Ugandans, Dictator M7 how about you
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  05/11/2011 -- The NRM - The government of the few, by the few and for the few
  05/11/2011 -- Dictator Museveni term as a President EXPIRES on 5/12/2001
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  03/18/2011 -- Mayor-elect Lukwago Teargased
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  07/25/2010 -- Museveni is the most corrupt President in Africa says...
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  03/18/2010 -- Tales of torture and death in Uganda’s torture centres
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  12/10/2009 -- GGWANGA MUJJE BOSTON CHAPTER INC. Demonstrates against Museveni Dictatorship in Uganda
» 11/29/2009 -- Fronasa's role in Ben Kiwanuka's murder
  11/25/2009 -- Origins of Museveni Politics of Violence and Killings
  11/13/2009 -- Draft Letter to send to Congress
  10/22/2009 -- Museveni must go Baganda Diaspora
  10/01/2009 -- THE REAL MUSEVENI ONE MUST KNOW
Fronasa's role in Ben Kiwanuka's murder   11/29/2009  

President Idi Amin (left) converses with Mobutu Sese Seko and Somalia's Siad Barre (middle) at the opening of the OAU summit in Kampala, July 28, 1975.

By Timothy Kalyegira

 

One of the still-unresolved murder mysteries in Ugandan history is that of the former Chief Justice and DP party president Benedicto Kiwanuka.

Most people believe that Kiwanuka was murdered personally by President Idi Amin, or on orders of Amin, or by Amin's henchmen, while a few others believe that Amin's Foreign Minister Joshua Wanume Kibedi was partly behind it.

The truth, as with most other events in Ugandan history, is far from that and more spine-chilling that most people realize.

On June 27, 1971, five months after the military coup, President Idi Amin, swore-in the President General of the Democratic Party, Benedicto Kiwanuka, also a lawyer, as Uganda's new Chief Justice. He had, in all probability, been nominated for the job by Amin.

Always outspoken and militant, Kiwanuka oversaw many cases in the High Court in which he stood for the oppressed and was not afraid to tell Amin what he thought. Amin did not seem bothered by Kiwanuka's attitude and seemed to encourage it.

Late in 1971, letters started to come to Uganda from Tanzania, written to prominent public officials, ostensibly from their collaborators among the exiled Ugandan community in Dar es Salaam, in which these prominent public officials in Kampala appeared to be working with the exiled groups in Tanzania to overthrow Amin.

Amin told his cabinet ministers and army officers to turn these letters over to security, some of which bore the names of a L. Col. David Oyite-Ojok and were purportedly from this army officer loyal to Milton Obote.

It has been claimed over the last 30 or so years that Kiwanuka ruled in a court case that did not please Amin, spoke out on Amin's human rights violations, and Amin sent Kiwanuka an oblique warning, referring to a "prominent Muganda from Masaka" as being a collaborator against his military government.

Even if this were so, it presents some difficulty in laying the blame for Kiwanuka's abduction and subsequent murder on Amin.

Amin was a decisive, open, action-oriented man. He believed in taking action in the open. He believed he needed to explain his actions to the public. When Museveni's FRONASA guerrillas were arrested in Jan. 1973, their trial was public, their execution even more public, in their home towns with crowds watching.

When Janani Luwum, the Anglican Archbishop, was arrested in Feb. 1977 under suspicion that arms intended to overthrow Amin's regime had been smuggled into Uganda through him, diplomats, the cabinet, army officers, the media, and the public were kept fully appraised of the developments.

A public gathering was called at the Nile Mansions Hotel in Kampala, the proceedings aired on Radio Uganda and Uganda Television, and published in the government newspaper, the Voice of Uganda, the next day.

The fact that this was the Anglican Archbishop, in the centenary year of the Anglican church in Uganda, did not faze Amin and he did not respond to public pressure.

Likewise, he would have had no reason to sent state security agents to the Uganda High Court in Kampala to seize the chief justice from the premises and then make him disappear without a trial or public reprimand.

In 1972, Amin was much more popular than he was in 1977 and if he went out openly to call for Luwum's trial, there would have been no reason to fear public anger if Kiwanuka was arrested and tried in 1972, with Ugandans grateful at Amin's recent decision to expel the much-resented Asians and with the euphoria still high after the track athlete John Akii-Bua having won Uganda its first ever Olympic Gold medal at the Munich Summer Olympic Games.

What, then, happened to Benedicto Kiwanuka?

After Benedicto Kiwanuka was abducted, Amin summoned a meeting of the Defence Council at Bulange in Kampala. Senior intelligence officers were also asked to attend the meeting.

Later, during a conversation at the army officers' Mess at Nakasero in Kampala, some State Research intelligence officers said the three men who had abducted Kiwanuka had come to the High Court carrying State Research Bureau identity cards.

One of the men, dressed up in a women's traditional robe, the Busuti, a wig, and heavy make up, walked up to Kiwanuka and said: "You are under arrest!"

A source who was in the 1970s Uganda Airforce once told this writer that two intelligence officers, Lt. Ali Willa and Sergeant Frank Besigensi of the State Research Centre (or Bureau) carried out investigations into Ben Kiwanuka's disappearance.

They said their evidence showed that the people who abducted Kiwanuka had entered Uganda from Tanzania through the Mutukula border area via Kyotera.

On Jan. 9, 1973, the government's Security Committee sat at a meeting and produced its report on several prominent Ugandans who had gone missing since 1971.

This is what it reported on Kiwanuka:

"Ben Kiwanuka: Former Prime Minister in the Democratic Party government and Obote detainee at Luzira. Released by the government and made Chief Justice. Was arrested by three unknown persons on September 21, 1972 at about 8:30 a.m from the High Court.

These three unknown persons were traveling in a saloon car Peugeot 504 light blue, bearing registration number UUU 171, came to the High Court Chambers where Ben Kiwanuka was working, identified themselves as security officers and said that he was required at their office. They were armed with pistol[s]. They hand-cuffed the Chief Justice and took him with them in their car driving at a very high speed in the direction of the Kampala International Hotel. The men were all dressed in plain clothes and when they took him away most people working in the High Court witnessed the incident.

When some of these bystanders tried to follow they were threatened to be shot. On investigation, the government discovered that the people who posed as security men were not, in fact, members of the Security Forces and the number of the Peugeot 504 car which they were using belongs to a Volkswagen saloon car of the Uganda Armed Forces, P.O.Box 7069, Kampala. It is therefore clear that the planners of this plot wanted to confuse the country that the people who arrested Ben Kiwanuka were members of the Security Forces, using an official vehicle.

The Government investigated this matter thoroughly but so far no evidence has come to light as to who arrested the Chief Justice and where he is. In this connection, the [military] spokesman drew the attention of the country to a press statement appearing in a foreign paper, Sunday Post, of December 31, 1972 where it was alleged that the Chief Justice was tied up in a jeep which was then set ablaze by members of the Security Forces on the Kampala/Entebbe Road.

The country will realise that Entebbe/Kampala Road is an international route where people always pass up and down, night and day but no-one has ever seen the alleged car burning on that road at any time since Kiwanuka disappeared. This is another clear example of the enemies of the country trying to cause confusion in the country."

Later, after the 1979 war when exiles started returning home, several were heard to speak in a way that suggested that Kiwanuka had been abducted by an exile group.

Amin in 1973 stated and would thereafter state that Kiwanuka had been abducted and killed by a guerrilla group called FRONASA led by a guerrilla and former intelligence officer called Yoweri Museveni.

Speaking on or about June 25, 1975, Amin said "the highest rate of disappearance was during 1971...President Amin said there was a high rate of disappearances in September 1972. He explained that there was the FRONASA guerrilla organisations, then, creating confusion in Uganda by kidnapping many Ugandans.

General Amin said in 1972 Uganda was invaded from Tanzania by guerrillas who killed many Ugandans including the former Chief Justice, Mr Kiwanuka…General Amin reiterated that an evil organisation called FRONASA which led by a man called Musebeni [Museveni] was in the early years kidnapping important people in Uganda, on behalf of guerrillas, just to cause confusion and disunity. By then he said guerrillas were training hard to come and invade us amidst that confusion created by Fronasa for their benefit." (Voice of Uganda, June 26, 1975, p. 1, 6)

A source in 2005 said he had got information from a former FRONASA operative who admitted that it was indeed FRONASA that had abducted and killed Kiwanuka.

In 2005, a man went to the offices of the Daily Monitor newspaper in Namuwongo in Kampala. He was very frightened. He spoke to the then Executive Editor Peter Mwesige and said he knew where Ben Kiwanuka was buried.

He appeared to know the circumstances of Kiwanuka's murder, too. However, he insisted that before he could reveal anything, he first had to be guaranteed an international amnesty.

It seemed odd. This man was clearly frightened and looked nervously around Mwesige's office. Why would he be so frightened?

Idi Amin, the man who allegedly killed Kiwanuka had died two years earlier in 2003. Amin's military government had fallen from power in 1979 and most of Amin's henchmen had neither power, nor money, nor the connections to threaten this man in anyway, should he speak out on Kiwanuka's murder 

Who was he so afraid of, that he should seek an international amnesty? The man left the Daily Monitor offices and did not return to continue with his story.

Former FRONASA guerrillas know very well the story of who ordered the murder of Kiwanuka. They know very well that Benedicto Kiwanuka was not murdered by Amin or anybody in Amin's regime. In time, they will start to speak out to a shocked Uganda.

END

http://www.ugandarecord.co.ug/index.php?issue=34&article=433&seo=FRONASA's role in Ben Kiwanuka’s murder



Reader Comments:
I am just joining the website and I am pleased to understand that mother Uganda has offsprings who are ready to liberate it from a corrupt and murderous regime. The greed is at its highest that land grabbing and open stealing of state funds is the order of the day for the so called leaders of our mother country. Now that they want to steal almost they see that has value, they have resorted to divide Ugandans on tribal basis the so called districts; so that bickering is initiated and peopple will be busy in that by the time they come to lealise the trick much of the country\'s wealth will be stolen especially the newly found oil. I therefore add my little voice to all Ugandans who have our country at heart to join hands and see to it that the corrupt and murderous regime is stopped by any available means. The believers know that with prayer God will be on our side and will approve our actions. Yakobo Mbabali.
- Posted By Yakobo Mbabali on 02/22/2010
you seem to have the full details of the story.but can you back up your facts.The fact is Museveni is rensisposible for the deaths but we just cant prove it.without evidence there is no case,share your views with us at www.komrades.com
- Posted By john masinde on 01/04/2010
When the NRA stormed Kampala in 1986 Edward (not real name) was not yet born but joined the walking humans 2 years later in 1988. He lived all his life in the Kampala suburb of Kamwokya Like many ordinary Baganda these days, Edward was not well educated and earned his living as a barber. Together with his brother Simon who lives in London, Edward looked after a family of 18. He had no criminal record because he has never been in trouble with the Police. But when the government decided to block the Kabaka from travelling to Kayunga, Edward joined thousands of other Baganda to protest the government decision. He was never to return home alive. In a fearsome, and in the words of the President “merciless” response, Uganda Military Police fired live bullets at protesters, killing more than 20 including Edward, he was just 21. At his other funeral at the home of his brother in London, mourners were showed pictures of a boy aged 2, taken at the time(1990) his elder brother was fleeing to exile in Britain. Edward’s brother (Simon) still has scars of bullet wounds as result of the war that brought Museveni to power 23 years ago. It is at this funeral gathering that Simon removed his shirt to show shocked mourners scars of the bush war to a group of angry and tearful Baganda. “He was a baby when I left, and now I will never find him” said Simon as tears rolled down his face. … “I did not want my family to go through what I went through in the early 80’s” But I’m proud of Edward, he is our hero, a hero of Buganda and Uganda. Like his elder brother, Edward grew up as a strong believer of the Buganda nation, culture and tradition. “I fought in the Luwero war for the Buganda cause and given a chance I’d do the same again”. “Tata leka todayo, naye olutalo lugenda mumaso” (Daddy don’t go back to war but war will go ahead”) The story of how Edward died was told by a friend he went with to defend his rights and those of the Kabaka. This friend of Edward narrowly survived a hail of bullets as he tried to get to Edward’s body. I, together with other mourners listened to this survivor as he narrated his ordeal by phone from Kampala. “We had actually finished the protest and going back home when police fired at us…. Edward died as a result of a single bullet to his head from the back. ….. I turned around when I saw him down and saw the soldier who had shot him pointing the gun at me. …. “Let me take him to hospital” but the soldiers refused. They spoke in Runyankore and Shwahili ..”ekyo ne kimpinga …. Maliza, maliza, (this one is traitor, finish off, finish off). For some reason the soldiers looked the other way and walked away laughing.” “Almost all the killing anti-riot police were Banyankore, Bahima or Banyarwanda”. But most or all the victims were Baganda. “We were like a turkey shoot” Edward’s friend continued. “Baganda have lived in Ankore for hundreds of years, in many places they are the clear majority, but have never sought to create a tiny Buganda in Ankore.” “We did not chose that they don’t have their Omugabe, why are they then killing us for having our Kabaka?” Kids left behind Edward was the kind of young generation many Baganda left behind and went for kyeyo. “There were no opportunities at home when we left in the 80’s and 90’s. Why are the kids we left behind being killed”, Simon asked. …. “ Ok. I had no choice; I had to leave the army because ‘the’ officers from the West wanted me dead. But Edwards deserved a decent life of freedom and democracy. That is why I spend years in the jungles of Luwero…. I am angry”…. Edward’s brother continued. “Why is Museveni killing us”, asked one member at this funeral…….“why did police fire live bullets at unarmed protesters” Speaker after speaker vowed to avenge the blood of their countrymen. “We shall never surrender”. “This massacre has made us even more uncompromising in pursuit of our demands”. Surprisingly Baganda here don’t blame anybody else, not even the shooting police for their political demise but fellow Baganda in government and NRM’s Parliament for abandoning Buganda and following an agenda of the occupiers. These are the people responsible for the crisis. They include Vice President Gilbert Bukenya and MP Janet Mukwaya. These Baganda cheered on while fellow Bagnada were facing live bullets from the forces of occupation. “Bukenya and his group will ultimately pay for betraying the people of Uganda and Buganda …… “President Museveni should not find any comfort hanging on to these lose strings in parliament called NRM Buganda caucus because their days are numbered”, said another relative of Edward at this funeral. “These people would not have been in the positions they hold had it not been for the war efforts of Baganda boys like Edward’s brother and the 250,000 civilians who died in Luwero. Many here believe that the final showdown is just around the corner. “it’s time to end 46 years of occupation of Buganda” …… the best time to engage your enemy is when they –enemy think you’re weak, down and out” If the regime in Kampala thought that they had managed to isolate Buganda then they they’re day dreaming. This funeral was attended by Ugandans from all regions. All agreed that President Museveni is dividing the country and unless he’s removed from power, Uganda is heading for a full blown brutal civil war. Since the protests, over 1000 people have been arrested. Many have been charged with terrorism offenses. But these are official fighures. UK Version has received unconfirmed information that almost 1500 Baganda have been rounded up since the protests and taken to secret jails and locations in Western Uganda. Government does not want to reveal where most of its captives are, just as it does not want anyone to provide legal representation for those appearing in court. A military operation in Buganda reminiscent of the 1966/72 Buganda crisis is still going on. With vocal radios closed or shut down by the central government, it is difficult to know the extent of this operation. BUGANDA, a region of Uganda is under a military occupation. Michael Senyonjo Reporting London
- Posted By Ggomba on 12/05/2009
Banaye mwebale nyo omulimu gwemukola. Temulekela awo kututuusaako mawulire nga gano, agetagisibwa ddala mu nsangi zino, Ensi yaffe okugenda mu maaso obulungi. Tulina okudda mu byafayo okulongonsa ensonga nga zino enkulu enyo. Musebbeni ne misegge gye mugisuze nga tegyebase, osanga ginekuba mu kifuba negiraba ekitangala. Ekirala amawulire nga gano gaba kyakulanisa eli abantu mu kwejja mu buwambe bwa obwongo bwaffe, twelaneko. Kale temulekulira yadde, ela singa mugezako okulaba nga mutuletela articles eziwelako, kuba mulwawo nyo okuleeta amawulire amapya ku website yammwe! Mbagaliza buwanguzi bwoka. Hotep.
- Posted By Imhotep on 12/04/2009
The nature and extent of the clear profane utterances in this article are shocking and despicable. My considered view is that such utterances clearly go beyond the standards of civility and intelligent debate. How on earth do you expect well-meaning Ugandans to believe the premeditated lies contained in your article? I am a firm believer in an environment that encourages issue-based robust debate of all issues. And while I see nothing wrong with individuals vehemently differing with the government I would expect that they should disagree without being disagreeable and without making inciting statements or insulting utterances. I hope I would not be asking too much to encourage the writer of this article to embrace maturity and decency in expressing his anguish whenever he has to.
- Posted By Tom on 12/01/2009
I personally see nothing profane and despicable in the above article, Tom. Probably you have been shocked beyond imagination by the revelations in the article. You sure cannot believe that the former leader of FRONASA and your present day hero is capable of committing the atrocities attributed to him in the article. Such is life MwattuP!
- Posted By Pyati Sololo on 12/02/2009
The Speaker has done a good job of informing us about how much preorgss has been made so far and about the future prospects in the country. I think every Ugandan would be interested in having assurances that the democratic process is in fact built in the country.Calling Ugandans in the diaspora back home, calling upon Ugandans to invest more and calling upon foreign investors will perhaps give results. However, when the economy keeps declining as a result of poor governance, all the investments will be lost. We have the Libyan economy destroyed for lack of democracy. It would be better Uganda is saved.The speaker also needs to know that the government invests so much in threatening, and sometimes destroying, businesses in the country, owned by Ugandans in the diaspora if they are deemed not to support the government. This is not good policy and it discourages many Ugandans in the diaspora from investing meaningfully home, if they do. The fear of losing their investments in a non-democratic society would rather have them invest abroad where they can have a feeling of security even though they deeply have their country at heart. We know that the government extends tax holidays and similar benefits to Chinese and other foreign investors. Unfortunately, the same does not extend to Ugandans living within the country/in the diaspora who would want to invest in the country. The high taxes imposed on Ugandan investors and importers both living in the country and in the diaspora can only discourage Ugandans in the diaspora who would want to invest in the country. Seguya Pius
- Posted By Milos on 10/04/2012

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